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America’s Economy Is Growing

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But Only If You’re Standing in the Right Place

Every few weeks, a politician steps up to a podium and declares that “the economy is strong.” And in strictly mathematical terms, they’re right. The U.S. economy grew at a 3.8% annualized pace in the second quarter of 2025 — the fastest since 2023 — after dipping into negative territory earlier this year. Inflation has cooled from its post-pandemic highs, and unemployment sits near 4.4%.

But the story the numbers tell is not the story Americans are living. Because when you look closely — at who is benefitting, who is being left behind, and what lies ahead — the truth becomes clear: the U.S. economy works brilliantly if you already have wealth, stability, and assets. If you don’t, you are navigating an economic system that gives you occasional crumbs while telling you to be grateful.

The truth is this: the U.S. economy is on track for one of three futures, and each reveal who this system is built to serve. What’s striking is that in all but the rosiest scenario, working families are once again asked to carry the burden while corporations, speculators, and the ultra-wealthy skate by untouched.

1. The Best-Case Scenario: A “Soft Landing” That Still Leaves Millions Behind

In the most optimistic version of the next two years, inflation continues easing, growth stays positive, and unemployment levels off. Economists call this a “soft landing.” Sounds good — until you ask who lands softly.

Even in the best case, housing remains unaffordable, wages lag behind the real cost of living, and corporate profits continue to soar. The wealthy glide through turbulence in private jets; working Americans are crammed into economy seating, still waiting for a drink of water.

This scenario isn’t a triumph — it’s the bare minimum a functional economy should deliver. Yet we’ve been conditioned to treat stability as success because for decades both major parties have tiptoed around corporate power while leaving structural inequality intact.

In the most optimistic version of the next year or two, inflation continues drifting toward the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent target, wages grow modestly, and GDP holds steady around 2 percent. That’s the baseline many forecasters expect.

But this so-called “soft landing” doesn’t mean the economy suddenly becomes fair. It just means we avoid a recession.

Even in this best-case world, the cost of living stays punishingly high. Housing affordability remains in crisis. Healthcare remains a luxury disguised as a necessity. And while corporate profits bounce upward — as they reliably do — wage growth for most workers lags behind real costs.

A soft landing for Wall Street is not the same as a soft landing for everyone else. The economy may stabilize, but inequality keeps widening.

2. The Most Likely Scenario: Patchwork Growth for a Patchwork Nation

The more realistic outlook is a lopsided, uneven expansion — a recovery where Wall Street thrives while Main Street treads water. GDP grows, but modestly. Inflation cools, but never for the things people need. Unemployment rises just enough to make workers afraid to push for better pay.

This “patchwork growth” won’t feel like a recovery to most Americans. Families will keep juggling second jobs, skipping medical care, and draining savings. Meanwhile, companies facing mild economic uncertainty will do what they always do: tighten hiring, cut hours, and funnel more money upward through stock buybacks.

And let’s be honest — this isn’t an accident. It’s the predictable outcome of an economic system that prioritizes shareholder value over human value. We’ve allowed an entire generation to grow up believing insecurity is the natural price of capitalism. It’s not. It’s a policy choice.

The most likely scenario is simple: uneven, unequal, and deeply fragile growth. GDP increases just enough to avoid panic — about 1.7% according to median forecasts — but not enough to lift the millions who have been treading water for years.  Inflation remains sticky at around 2.7–2.8%.  That may sound tolerable, but price increases for essentials — rent, utilities, groceries, childcare — hit harder and last longer for families who already sacrifice everything just to get by.

Businesses, spooked by political instability and global tensions, respond predictably: they slow hiring, squeeze workers, and avoid wage increases. Workers feel the pinch long before CEOs do. This is the “patchwork economy” we live in — where the wealthy enjoy record stock valuations while everyone else faces rising costs and shrinking options.

This is not economic inevitability. It is the predictable outcome of forty years of deregulation, tax cuts for the wealthy, union-busting, and a bipartisan refusal to invest in the social protections Americans need.

3. The Downside Scenario: A Slow-Motion Recession That Hits the Vulnerable First

If the economy slips, it won’t be CEOs or hedge fund managers who feel the pain. A “slow-motion recession” — the third scenario — would mean rising unemployment, shrinking paychecks, and a sharp decline in consumer spending. And once again, the people who already have the least will lose the most.

Working families, still recovering from decades of wage stagnation, have no cushion left. They’ve weathered a pandemic, inflation, housing spikes, and political dysfunction. A recession, even a mild one, could tip millions into crisis. And no one should be surprised: the economy has been built this way. Recession for workers is merely a quarterly inconvenience for the wealthy.

Yet the political class will inevitably lecture us about “belt-tightening” and “budget discipline” — as if families who skipped dental care, childcare, and vacations for the last five years have any belt left to tighten.

If inflation remains stubborn, or tariffs and interest-rate pressures collide, the economy could slip into what economists politely call a “mild recession.” This would mean layoffs, reduced hours, rising unemployment, and a renewed assault on household stability.

Several major economic surveys warn that under downside conditions, 2026 real GDP could drop toward 0.9%, with recession probability between 30 and 50 percent. Unemployment could push toward 5–6% — enough to tip millions into crisis.

But recessions in America are never evenly felt. The wealthy lose some stock value, perhaps delay a vacation. Meanwhile, working families cascade from “just keeping up” to “falling behind,” to “falling apart.”

No one should pretend this would be a surprise. When an entire economic system is built on low wages, high prices, and private profit, the people at the bottom are always the shock absorbers.

The Real Question: Who Is the Economy For?

Across these scenarios, one truth holds: America’s economy functions well for the top 10%, decently for the next 30%, and unpredictably or painfully for everyone else. That is not a natural phenomenon. That is the result of choices — deregulation, tax cuts for the wealthy, union-busting, underfunded social programs, and an economic ideology obsessed with markets but allergic to fairness.

A country as wealthy as the United States should not accept an economy where millions live on the brink even during “good times.” Stability for a few is not prosperity. Growth that bypasses working people is not success. And an economy that only thrives when inequality expands is not healthy — it is predatory.

The Work Ahead

If we want a future that doesn’t simply oscillate between fragile growth and preventable hardship, we need policies that center human well-being: strong labor protections, fair taxation, affordable housing, universal healthcare, and public investment that benefits communities rather than shareholders.

The choice isn’t between growth and fairness. The choice is between an economy built for everyone — and the economy we have now.

T. Michael Smith

wwwtmichaelsmith.com

MAGA IS NOT A MOVEMENT

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It’s a Warning Label for American Democracy

For years, pundits have treated “MAGA” like a marketing slogan with an attitude problem. But at this stage in American politics, it’s clear that MAGA isn’t just a hat or a rally chant. It has become a full-blown ideology built on resentment, mythmaking, and the insistence that democracy should bend to the will of one man. To pretend otherwise is to miss the central political story of our time—and the central threat facing the country.

MAGA presents itself as a grassroots uprising of “real Americans” against a corrupt elite. But scratch the surface and something very different appears: a movement convinced that the pluralistic, multiracial democracy we live in is inherently illegitimate. Its core message is unmistakable: the only valid votes are the ones cast for its own side; power lost is power stolen; institutions—from the courts to the press to elections themselves—are presumptively fraudulent unless they deliver the “correct” outcome.

This is not traditional conservatism. It is not small government or fiscal restraint. MAGA’s ideology begins and ends with a single premise: Trump is the state, and the state must serve Trump. Everything else—immigration panic, culture-war theatrics, attacks on public servants, threats of retribution—flows from that central impulse.

The cruelty isn’t incidental. It’s the brand. MAGA needs enemies because fear is the fuel that keeps the machine running. Immigrants, LGBTQ Americans, civil servants, teachers, journalists—anyone who refuses to conform to the MAGA myth of a homogenous, obedient America becomes a target. When you hear the chants about “taking our country back,” it’s worth asking from whom? The answer, often, is from fellow Americans who simply don’t look, vote, pray, or think like them.

Where Christian Nationalism Supercharges the Project

If MAGA were merely a political movement, it would be dangerous enough. But its power is magnified by the rise of Christian nationalism, which wraps authoritarian politics in religious language and moral entitlement. Christian nationalism insists that America was founded for Christians, by Christians, and must be governed through their preferred hierarchy of values. It casts secular government, pluralistic democracy, and church–state separation as threats rather than founding principles.

By fusing MAGA identity with religious destiny, the movement transforms political loyalty into a form of theological certainty. Opponents are not just wrong; they are ungodly. Democratic limits are not just inconvenient; they are immoral. This is why MAGA rhetoric so often veers into apocalyptic storytelling—claims that America faces spiritual warfare, that Trump is a chosen vessel, that compromise is betrayal of a divine plan.

When politics is reframed as holy conflict, the possibility of democratic coexistence collapses. Compromise becomes heresy; pluralism becomes an existential threat. Christian nationalism gives MAGA something every authoritarian movement seeks: a sacred justification for minority rule.

The Appeal—and the Manipulation

The tragedy is that MAGA harnesses real grievances. Millions of Americans do feel abandoned—by globalization, automation, stagnant wages, and political leaders more attuned to donors than to working families. Institutional failures are real. Economic inequality is real. Public distrust is real.

But instead of offering solutions, MAGA offers scapegoats. Instead of solidarity, it builds walls—literal and metaphorical. Instead of expanding opportunity, it narrows the definition of who belongs. It exploits pain without alleviating it, turning legitimate frustrations into fuel for a political project that leaves everyday people even more vulnerable.

For a movement that claims to fight elite power, MAGA has delivered almost nothing that helps ordinary Americans: tax cuts skewed to the wealthy, deregulation that favors corporations, culture-war diversions that do nothing to improve wages, safety, health care, or education. What it reliably delivers is spectacle—outrage cycles that keep supporters angry and the rest of the country exhausted.

Democracy as an Obstacle, Not a Value

The deeper danger is that MAGA has normalized the idea that democracy itself is optional. A functioning democracy requires more than elections; it requires shared rules of the game and a shared commitment to honoring them. MAGA rejects both. It demands loyalty not to the Constitution, but to personality. It treats the peaceful transfer of power as negotiable. It elevates conspiracy theories to the level of civic doctrine. And it conditions millions of Americans to see defeat as proof of fraud rather than a routine feature of democratic life.

The movement’s enthusiasm for purges, show trials, and loyalty tests is no accident. It is the natural outcome of a worldview that sees pluralism as weakness and dissent as treason. MAGA is trying to make authoritarianism feel familiar—almost patriotic.

A Radical Minority Movement, Not an Unstoppable Majority

One of the greatest myths surrounding MAGA is its supposed inevitability. In reality, it represents a radical minority with outsized influence because the majority often remains silent, fatigued, or intimidated. MAGA’s power grows not from broad public support but from intensity—the willingness of its followers to treat politics as a battlefield while everyone else tries to get on with their lives.

But democracies don’t survive on autopilot. They survive because enough people decide they’re worth defending.

The Choice Ahead

America has many political traditions worth celebrating. MAGA is not one of them. It is a warning label: a reminder that democracies don’t collapse only in distant countries or dusty history books. They can be hollowed out from within, one purge list at a time, one conspiracy theory at a time, one “stop the steal” at a time.

The real question now is whether the rest of us treat MAGA as an unstoppable force or what it truly is—a dangerous but minority movement that only thrives when the majority refuses to confront it.

Silence is how democracies unravel. A clear-eyed refusal to bow to fear is how they endure.

T. Michael Smith

wwwtmichaelsmith.com

WHAT IS CHRISTIAN NATIONALISM?

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OLD and QUIRKY            

Christian Nationalism Is Not a Revival. It’s a Rebellion Against Democracy.

Christian nationalism is surging once again in American politics, wrapped in the familiar language of “heritage,” “values,” and “restoring the nation’s soul.” But for all its pious branding, the movement isn’t a religious awakening. It is a political project—one that uses Christian identity not to enrich public life, but to dominate it. And if we are honest, the danger it poses today is less about theology than about the erosion of democracy itself.

At its core, Christian nationalism claims that America was founded as a Christian nation and must remain one to fulfill a divine mission. Its adherents view church–state separation not as a constitutional safeguard but as a secular plot to strip Christians of their rightful authority. And they insist that public institutions—from schools to legislatures to the courts—should explicitly place Christian doctrine over democratic principles. This is not Christianity. It is a power grab dressed in scripture.

A Selective Reading of Both History and Scripture

Christian nationalists often present themselves as guardians of the founders’ intentions, but their historical narrative is as thin as it is convenient. They champion the few founders who invoked Providence while ignoring the rest who explicitly warned against entwining church and state. They elevate 18th-century moral rhetoric while erasing the radical decision to prohibit religious tests for office, separate religious institutions from state funding, and place ultimate sovereignty in “We the People,” not in any church.

Their Christianity is just as selective. Ask a Christian nationalist to quote Jesus on poverty, inequality, or mercy, and the conversation suddenly turns to “law and order.” But mention sexuality, gender, or the right to control one’s own body, and suddenly the government must act as God’s enforcer.

For all the talk of “returning to biblical principles,” you will find far more compassion in the Sermon on the Mount than in any Christian nationalist policy platform. You will find more humility in the Gospels than in their strongman politics. And you will find far more warnings about the corrupting nature of earthly power than you will endorsements of the political crusades conducted in Christ’s name.

The Movement’s True Engine: Fear

I view Christian nationalism as a project built not on faith, but on fear. Fear of demographic change. Fear of losing cultural dominance. Fear of an America where Christianity must share public space rather than occupy it.

This is why the movement’s rhetoric often centers on existential threats: the nation is “under attack,” “losing its soul,” or “being taken away.” The argument isn’t that Christian nationalists want influence—they claim they are entitled to rule.

A pluralistic democracy requires compromise, negotiation, and shared belonging. Christian nationalism rejects all three. It sanctifies one political coalition as uniquely American and casts dissenters—progressives, secular citizens, non-Christians, LGBTQ+ people, even moderate Christians—as enemies of the divine order.

This framing is not theological. It’s authoritarian.

Cruelty Rebranded as Righteousness

One of the most telling features of Christian nationalism is the moral inversion it performs. Policies that inflict harm on millions are recast as moral necessities, while policies that relieve suffering are derided as godless.

Consider the policy landscape shaped by Christian nationalist rhetoric:

  • Forced pregnancy and the dismantling of reproductive rights, even in cases of rape or danger to the mother
  • Anti-LGBTQ+ legislation, targeting transgender youth under the guise of “protection”
  • Book bans and curriculum censorship aimed at controlling cultural narratives
  • Voter suppression efforts justified by appeals to “order” or “integrity”
  • Hostility toward social programs that fight poverty but do not police morality

These policies have little to do with spiritual well-being and everything to do with enforcing a particular social hierarchy. Cruelty isn’t a byproduct—it’s the point. Because when you declare your opponents morally illegitimate, policies that harm them become acts of righteousness.

This is a politics that uses faith as a weapon, not a guide.

Faith Consumed by Politics

The tragedy—not just for democracy but for Christianity itself—is that Christian nationalism often hollows out the very faith it claims to defend. When a religion becomes fused with political identity, loyalty to the leader replaces loyalty to God. The Bible becomes a prop used to sanctify partisan agendas. Religious identity becomes a membership card rather than a spiritual path.

Historically, whenever a political movement has attempted to merge divine authority with state power, corruption has followed. Religious leaders become political operatives; political operatives become pseudo-theologians. And ordinary believers find their faith reshaped in ways that have more to do with winning elections than living out Christian values.

Democracy demands accountability. Christian nationalism demands obedience.

The Anti-Democratic Heart of the Movement

At its deepest level, I view Christian nationalism as incompatible with a multi-religious democratic republic. You cannot run a democracy when one faction believes it has been ordained by God to govern. Once politics is cast as a holy war, compromise becomes sin, elections become obstacles, and political violence becomes justifiable.

This is why scholars consistently find a troubling correlation between Christian nationalism and support for authoritarian leadership, political violence “to protect the nation,” and the belief that only certain kinds of Americans deserve full citizenship. It is why Christian nationalist rhetoric was central to the January 6 attack. It is why movements seeking minority rule often cloak themselves in religious certainty: divine authority is the only thing that can legitimize their disregard for democratic outcomes.

This movement isn’t defending democracy. It is defending dominance.

A Better Vision: Strength Through Pluralism

There is another vision of America—one rooted not in fear but in freedom.

A nation where Christians can fully practice their faith, Muslims can fully practice theirs, atheists are equally respected, and no one’s rights hinge on the doctrines of someone else’s religion.

A nation where religion is welcomed in the public square but never weaponized by the state.  Where faith communities thrive through moral persuasion, not political coercion. Where democratic institutions protect all people equally, not according to the preferences of the majority religion.

The Real Calling

In the end, the critique of Christian nationalism is simple: A democracy cannot survive when one religious faction claims a divine right to rule.

And Christianity cannot survive when it is transformed into a political instrument.

If Christian nationalism succeeds, it will not produce a more faithful nation—only a more divided, more authoritarian, and less free one. The real work of protecting both faith and democracy begins with resisting the temptation to confuse God with government, or patriotism with piety. The leader of this movement is Russell Vought, head of the office Of Management and Budget and author of Project 2025. Beware!

Because the true strength of America has never been its religious uniformity, it has been its capacity to let many voices, many beliefs, and many identities share in the promise of a nation that belongs to all of us.

T. Michael Smith

wwwtmichaelsmith.com

Who Won the Shutdown?

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OLD and Quirky                                 

Republicans claimed victory. Democrats claimed pragmatism. But the real loser is democracy itself.

After 41 days of paralysis, furloughs, and fury, the federal government is finally lurching back to life. But while Washington congratulates itself for reopening the doors, Americans deserve to ask the real question: Who actually won the shutdown? The short answer is the same as it’s been for years—Republicans played hardball and Democrats blinked. The longer answer is more troubling: democracy itself lost ground.

The shutdown began as a standoff over something as basic as keeping the government funded and health care affordable. Republicans, emboldened by Trump’s renewed grip on Congress, refused to pass a budget that continued the Affordable Care Act subsidies millions rely on. Democrats, for once, stood their ground—at least at first—insisting that health care wasn’t a bargaining chip. For a moment, it seemed like they might hold together. But that moment passed.

As the weeks dragged on, pressure mounted: federal workers without paychecks, veterans missing benefits, food aid paused, airports in disarray. The human cost became unbearable. And when the breaking point came, it wasn’t the Republican leadership that cracked—it was the Democrats. Seven of them, along with an Independent, crossed the aisle to vote for a temporary deal that funded most agencies but postponed the health-care fight until December. The right called it pragmatism. The left called it surrender. Both were right.

Republicans walked away with the win they wanted. They reopened the government on their terms, without restoring the ACA subsidies that had triggered the crisis in the first place. They also sent a message: when Democrats talk about “no negotiation with hostage-takers,” they don’t really mean it. The GOP knows this game, and they play it well, manufacture a crisis, hold the economy hostage, and wait until moderates fold. It’s governing by brinkmanship, and it works because Democrats keep rewarding it.

But the political scoreboard isn’t the only thing that matters here. This shutdown exposed something deeper about the state of our democracy: we’ve normalized dysfunction. Americans barely flinched as the government shut its doors for over a month—the longest in U.S. history. The headlines were predictable, the outrage short-lived. Shutdowns are supposed to be unthinkable; now they’re routine. That’s not just bad politics; it’s a failure of civic imagination. We’ve come to expect chaos, and in that expectation, we’re losing the will to demand better.

Democrats will say they ended the shutdown to protect working families—and to a degree, that’s true. The public needed relief. But a deal that buys peace at the price of principle isn’t a victory; it’s a truce before the next defeat. By agreeing to revisit the ACA subsidies in December, they’ve simply postponed another crisis. Republicans, meanwhile, have every incentive to repeat the tactic. Why negotiate in good faith when obstruction pays dividends?

Still, this isn’t a story without hope. The divide within the Democratic Party—the progressives furious about capitulation and the moderates who claim to be realists—may yet lead to a reckoning. If Democrats want to stop losing these hostage situations, they need to stop accepting the terms. That means learning how to frame these fights not as “Washington dysfunction,” but as deliberate Republican sabotage of government itself. It means talking less about bipartisanship and more about accountability. The party that believes in government must finally learn to defend it with the same zeal that the other side shows in tearing it down.

Who won the shutdown? In the short term, Republicans. In the long term, no one—unless Democrats start treating governance not as a concession, but as a cause worth fighting for. The shutdown wasn’t just a budget dispute; it was a test of conviction. And once again, Democrats settled for survival instead of victory.

If there’s any lesson to draw, it’s this: the GOP is united by grievance, but Democrats can still be united by purpose. Ending this cycle requires courage—not just to reopen the government, but to rebuild faith that government matters. Until then, every shutdown will end the same way: with Republicans celebrating, Democrats rationalizing, and Americans paying the price.

T. Michael Smith

wwwtmichaelsmith.com

WE THE PEOPLE, MUST FIGHT FASCISM

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Old and Quirky       NOVEMBER 6, 2025

As We Face Fascism, Americans Must Find New Ways to Help Each Other

As we face fascism, Americans must find new ways to help each other. That word—fascism—is not hyperbole anymore. When one major political party excuses political violence, undermines elections, and pledges loyalty to a single man over the Constitution, the danger is no longer theoretical. Donald Trump and his allies have spent years testing how far they can push American democracy before it breaks. The answer, it turns out, depends on whether the rest of us stand together or stand aside.

Trumpism has always thrived on fear and resentment—turning citizens against each other while the powerful grow richer and more unaccountable. The movement’s latest phase is darker: purges of civil servants, vows to weaponize the Justice Department, promises of “retribution” against critics, and a growing chorus of politicians and pundits who echo authoritarian language with chilling ease. This isn’t just political rhetoric—it’s preparation. We’ve seen this movie before in history, and it never ends with freedom.

But here’s what fascism can’t survive: community. When Americans refuse to abandon one another—when we refuse to let cruelty become normal—the authoritarian project collapses. That means helping the neighbor targeted by hate, supporting local reporters exposing corruption, defending teachers who teach honest history, and protecting election workers from harassment. It means showing up, loudly and consistently, for the rights of people who don’t look or vote like us.

Republicans who still believe in democracy must find the courage to say so publicly. Silence is complicity. Too many have traded principle for proximity to power. Democrats, meanwhile, can’t assume that technocratic policy wins will save the republic. What will save it is solidarity—rooted not just in ideology but in moral clarity. The fight ahead is not between left and right; it’s between democracy and authoritarian rule.

America has faced this darkness before. From the labor strikes of the 1930s (my grandfather was in the camp of WW1 veterans that Douglas McArthur overran) to the Freedom Riders of the 1960s, ordinary people defied fear through mutual aid and moral conviction. When government failed, communities rose. When demagogues tried to divide us, compassion became a weapon of resistance. We can do it again—but only if we refuse to normalize what we know is wrong.

Every era demands its own form of courage. Today, courage looks like defending truth in an age of lies, decency in an age of cruelty, and democracy in an age of apathy. It means organizing, donating, volunteering, and speaking out even when it’s uncomfortable. Especially when it’s uncomfortable.

As we face fascism, Americans must find new ways to help each other—not just out of kindness, but out of survival. The next election will decide more than who governs; it will decide whether America remains a democracy at all. The time for polite hesitation is over. The time for solidarity has arrived.

What New Ways Can Americans Help Each Other?

As Americans, we must learn again how to help one another—not just in theory, but in practice. Authoritarian movements thrive on fear, isolation, and despair. The antidote is solidarity, rebuilt from the ground up. We cannot wait for institutions alone to save us; we must start saving each other.

1. Build local networks of care.
When people are targeted—immigrants, journalists, teachers, LGBTQ+ youth—neighbors should be the first line of defense. Mutual aid groups, community watch networks, and local support circles can provide food, rides, childcare, safety, or simply presence. Small acts of care create a shield against dehumanization.

2. Protect truth and share information.
Fascism depends on lies. Support local newspapers, public libraries, and independent journalists who still tell the truth. Learn to verify before sharing. Talk with neighbors rather than yelling online. Democracy begins with informed trust.

3. Defend democratic participation.
Volunteer as a poll worker. Help people register to vote. Offer rides on Election Day. Confront voter intimidation peacefully but firmly. The right to vote is meaningless if fear keeps people home.

4. Practice visible solidarity.
Show up publicly for those under attack—at school board meetings, protests, court hearings, or workplaces. When someone is harassed for who they are, make sure they know they’re not alone. Authoritarians rely on silence; courage is contagious.

5. Organize, don’t just agonize.
Talk politics at the dinner table. Join local advocacy groups. Donate to organizations defending rights and freedoms. True democracy isn’t passive—it’s built by people who refuse to give up their agency.

6. Care for yourself and each other.
Fighting authoritarianism is exhausting work. Rest, art, humor, and community meals are not distractions—they’re acts of resistance. A hopeful person cannot be ruled by fear.

Fascism feeds on despair; democracy feeds on connection. Americans can still choose to be the country that cares for its people, even when its politics fail them. The new ways we help each other may look ordinary—sharing food, standing together, telling the truth—but at this moment, they are revolutionary.

 T. Michael Smith

wwwtmichaelsmith.com

Trump’s Takeover Attempt

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The Constitution Is The LAST Line of Defense

OLD and QUIRKY Michael Smith

When the framers wrote the U.S. Constitution in 1787, they weren’t designing a government for angels. They built a system for ambitious, flawed, and power-seeking human beings — precisely to prevent the rise of a single man who might try to rule like a king. Today, as Donald Trump openly vows to use a second term to exact “retribution” on his enemies and weaken constraints on presidential power, that 18th-century framework has become our last line of defense. The Constitution — if we have the courage to uphold it — remains America’s strongest bulwark against an authoritarian takeover.

A Government of Divided Power

The Founders’ most brilliant invention was the separation of powers. No single person, not even a president, was meant to dominate. Congress makes the laws, the president enforces them, and the courts interpret them — a system built to force compromise and prevent tyranny. That design ensures a president cannot simply rule by decree or loyalty.

During Trump’s first term, this balance was tested — and in some cases, it held. Courts struck down the most sweeping version of his “Muslim ban,” blocked his attempts to redirect funds for a border wall, and resisted executive overreach. State officials, under tremendous pressure, refused to falsify election results. These acts of defiance were not partisan gestures; they were affirmations of the Constitution’s core principle that power must remain divided and accountable.

The Rule of Law, Tested but Alive

The Constitution promises that no person is above the law — a principle now facing its hardest test. Trump, indicted in multiple jurisdictions, has built his campaign around the claim that accountability itself is illegitimate. If judges and juries uphold their constitutional duty despite political pressure, they will reaffirm that the rule of law is more than a slogan. If they falter, the entire foundation of our democracy will crack.

But the rule of law doesn’t live only in the courts. It lives in the character of those who swear an oath to uphold it — from soldiers to civil servants. Every official in this country pledges allegiance not to a leader, but to the Constitution. That distinction is what separates a republic from a regime. When senior military officers reminded Trump in 2020 that their loyalty was to the Constitution, not to him, they were echoing that sacred promise.

The People’s Power

Ultimately, the Constitution’s greatest safeguard is us — the people. It entrusts power not to kings or generals but to citizens who speak, vote, and act. Free elections, free speech, and a free press are not ornaments of democracy; they are its beating heart. The First Amendment guarantees the right to challenge authority, expose corruption, and protest injustice.

Trump and his allies have tried to convince Americans that elections can’t be trusted and that truth itself is negotiable. That cynicism is corrosive — and deliberate. If citizens lose faith in their own institutions, the paper protections of the Constitution will mean little. The antidote is civic participation: voting in every election, defending factual journalism, volunteering in communities, and refusing to surrender truth to conspiracy.

Federalism and the Limits of Power

Another constitutional strength lies in federalism — the division of power between the national government and the states. This structure makes it extraordinarily difficult for one person to control every lever of authority. When Trump pressured state officials in 2020 to “find votes,” they refused. When he mused about deploying the military to silence protests, generals and governors resisted. That was federalism at work: a reminder that sovereignty is shared, not seized.

A Fragile Line Between Republic and Rule

Still, the Constitution is not self-enforcing. It is a set of promises that rely on human courage to survive. If Congress abdicates oversight, if courts bow to political intimidation, or if citizens stop paying attention, the republic can be hollowed out from within. History teaches that democracies rarely die in a single moment — they erode through exhaustion, cynicism, and fear.

Trump’s public vows to use the presidency as an instrument of vengeance should alarm anyone who still believes in limited government. But outrage alone won’t save the republic. What will save it is constitutional courage — lawmakers willing to say no, judges willing to rule on principle, citizens willing to act when democracy is under threat.

The Oath We All Share

Every public servant swears to “preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.” In times like these, that oath belongs to all of us. The Constitution is not just a relic of parchment; it is a living agreement between the governed and those who govern. It gives us tools — elections, courts, and checks on power — but it also gives us responsibilities.

If Americans choose apathy, the Constitution cannot save us. But if we choose engagement, courage, and truth, it will. The Founders never promised that freedom would be easy — only that it would be possible. The question now is whether we will use the system they built to defend it.

Because in the end, constitutional patriotism means loyalty not to a man, but to the rule of law itself — and to the idea that no one, not even Donald Trump, is above it.

T. Michael Smith

wwwtmichaelsmith.com

The Pentagon’s New Marching Orders

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Pete Hegseth’s Hard Turn for the Military

OLD and QUIRKY

The American military is once again at a crossroads — not on a battlefield abroad, but in its identity at home. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, never one to mince words, declared last week that “the era of the Department of Defense is over.” In its place, he said, comes a revived “War Department,” a return to first principles, a rejection of what he called the “distractions” of modern defense bureaucracy. The speech at Quantico was not just another policy rollout; it was an ideological thunderclap — signaling a transformation in tone, culture, and command that could reshape the U.S. military for decades.

Hegseth’s reforms are sweeping, symbolic, and deeply controversial. They reach into every corner of the armed forces — from fitness and grooming to whistleblower protections, from how leaders are promoted to how complaints are filed. To some, it’s the course correction the military needs: a return to discipline, merit, and focus on lethality. To others, it’s a retreat from oversight and inclusion — a rollback of hard-won reforms that kept abuse, discrimination, and cronyism in check.

Either way, Hegseth has declared war — not on a foreign enemy, but on the Pentagon as it has evolved since 1947.

Fitness First, and a “Male Standard” for Combat

The headline change, and the one most immediately felt in the ranks, is physical. Every active-duty service member will now be required to conduct daily physical training under command supervision. Fitness testing doubles to twice a year. All combat roles will now be measured by a single, gender-neutral — or, as Hegseth put it, “male” — standard. If that means no women qualify for certain positions, he said, “so be it.”

For decades, the services have struggled to balance inclusivity with readiness. The introduction of gender-neutral combat standards in recent years was meant to ensure fairness while maintaining rigor. Hegseth’s move tightens that further, eliminating any room for adjustment. Critics argue it will drive women out of elite units and further erode diversity in the ranks.

And it doesn’t stop there. The new rules ban beards (except in rare medical cases), reinstate strict height and weight requirements, and redefine what “fit to serve” looks like. Hegseth even shamed “fat generals and admirals” in his address — promising that senior leaders who cannot meet the same physical standards as their troops will be asked to step aside. The message was unmistakable: the military’s image begins with its waistline.

Supporters hail this as a long-overdue restoration of discipline. Detractors call it cosmetic authoritarianism — an obsession with appearance over substance, a morale-killing purge of good officers who may be strong leaders but not model athletes.

To Hegseth, this is a common-sense measure to restore accountability to commanders and curb what he calls “weaponized grievance culture.” To nearly every oversight expert and whistleblower advocate, it’s a direct threat to the integrity of the military justice system.

The Military Whistleblower Protection Act guarantees anonymity and procedural safeguards precisely because retaliation within the chain of command has long been a problem. Hegseth’s new system effectively puts the commander — not an independent investigator — back in control. Critics warn it will silence victims of harassment, discrimination, and abuse.

In one stroke, Hegseth has reframed what “accountability” means. For him, it’s about discipline from above. For those wary of power without checks, it’s a dangerous rollback.

From Defense to War: A Change in Philosophy

When Hegseth insists that “the era of the Department of Defense is over,” he’s not just playing with words. The rebranding to “War Department” — a revival of pre-World War II nomenclature — is a cultural and political declaration. It signals a military less concerned with diplomacy, diversity, and global engagement, and more fixated on lethality, hierarchy, and confrontation.

To Hegseth’s critics, it’s an attempt to militarize the military’s soul — stripping away decades of reform that recognized warfare’s human and moral complexity. To his supporters, it’s about cutting through bureaucratic fog and restoring warrior ethos.

In practice, the rebranding coincides with a purge of what Hegseth calls “non-essential priorities.” Training sessions on diversity, equity, inclusion (DEI) and climate resilience are being slashed. Civilian staff cuts are under way. Headquarters and commands are being merged. Four-star billets are being reduced by as much as 20 percent.

All of this fits Hegseth’s narrative: a leaner, meaner force, stripped of “political correctness” and focused on warfighting. But it also raises fundamental questions about whether he’s dismantling the very oversight and institutional knowledge that made the U.S. military both powerful and accountable.

Winners and Losers Across the Services

The effects won’t be evenly felt.

The Army and Marine Corps, long steeped in physical rigor, may adapt most easily. The Marine Corps’ ethos — “every Marine a rifleman” — dovetails neatly with Hegseth’s ideals. But even there, logistics and technical specialists will feel squeezed by standards that have little to do with their actual work.

The Navy faces a more fundamental clash. On ships and submarines, where many roles rely on technical skill rather than brute strength, imposing a “combat standard” risks losing talent. Beards, once tolerated on shore duty or for medical reasons, are now verboten. The Navy’s culture, already reeling from recent leadership shakeups, could be stretched thin.

The Air Force and Space Force, with their cyber and orbital missions, are even further removed from Hegseth’s warrior ideal. In these fields, mental acuity, not muscle, defines readiness. Forcing the same physical template across all branches could alienate technical experts and pilots alike.

Reservists and National Guard members will likely struggle most. Daily PT and twice-yearly tests are hard enough for active-duty personnel — far harder for part-time soldiers balancing civilian jobs. In the Guard, where standards vary by state, enforcement will be a logistical nightmare. These reforms may hit women hardest. Under the guise of equality, the “male standard” all but ensures fewer women in combat arms — and by extension, fewer in senior leadership down the road. Diversity, already fragile in many elite units, could plummet.

Minorities and those from lower-resource backgrounds may also be disproportionately affected. Physical readiness is not evenly distributed across society; access to training, nutrition, and recovery resources varies widely. A one-size standard ignores those disparities.

For technical and cyber specialists, the message is equally discouraging. Hegseth’s vision values warriors over wonks. Yet in an age when warfare is as much about data and code as bullets and bombs, sidelining technical expertise could undercut the very modernization the Pentagon needs.

The Cost of Command and Control

There’s also the issue of control — and secrecy. Reports suggest Hegseth plans to expand the use of non-disclosure agreements and even random polygraphs among senior staff to crack down on leaks. Combined with the new limits on complaints, the Pentagon risks becoming a more opaque, top-down organization.

That may please those who see leaks as betrayal. But it also concentrates power in fewer hands — and history shows that when oversight fades, corruption and abuse follow close behind.

The Meaning of “War” in 2025

Hegseth’s changes are more than managerial tweaks; they are philosophical. They redefine what the military is for — not just how it fights, but who it serves.

In his view, the armed forces have strayed too far into social engineering and away from the business of killing the enemy. “We are not a social experiment,” he said. “We are America’s warfighters.” That line drew cheers at Quantico — and alarm in Washington.

Because what Hegseth proposes is not simply reform, but reorientation: away from defense as deterrence, and toward defense as confrontation. Away from balance, and toward purity. It is, in short, a culture war within the military itself.

Marching Orders or Marching Backward?

Some of Hegseth’s goals — efficiency, readiness, accountability — are valid. The Pentagon is bloated, and endless PowerPoint briefings don’t win wars. But his methods risk collapsing the distinction between toughness and tyranny, between leadership and domination.

A military built only on obedience and uniformity may look sharper on parade — but it risks being duller in judgment. The strength of the U.S. military has always been its balance: discipline and innovation, hierarchy and conscience, lethality and humanity. If Hegseth forgets that, the war he wins on culture may be one the country loses in the long run. The secret imbeded in these changes may be that the militery leadership will be more willing to turn against the American people.

When Jimmy Kimmel’s Jokes Become a First Amendment Test

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OLD AND QUIRKY

If politicians can punish comedians, no citizen’s speech is safe.

Late-night TV has always doubled as America’s unofficial town square, where jokes carry the sting of truth and laughter keeps the powerful in check. Jimmy Kimmel is the latest host to find himself in the crosshairs—not because his comedy has lost its bite, but because some politicians want to muzzle it. That should alarm us far more than any punchline.

Free Speech Protects the Uncomfortable

The First Amendment was never meant to shield only polite conversation. Its purpose is to protect the uncomfortable, the satirical, and the inconvenient. When government officials threaten Kimmel over his monologues, the issue is no longer about taste or humor. It becomes a constitutional question: can those in power use their offices to intimidate or silence their critics?

The Chilling Effect of Retaliation

Every time a public figure retaliates against a comedian, the ripple effect extends far beyond late-night TV. Journalists take note. Protesters take note. Ordinary citizens take note. The message is clear: speak out at your own risk. That kind of chilling effect is how democracies start sliding toward authoritarianism—not in dramatic leaps, but in the gradual silencing of voices one by one.

Not About Kimmel—About Us

It’s easy to dismiss this as a celebrity spat. But defending Jimmy Kimmel’s right to make jokes isn’t about liking his humor. It’s about protecting the principle that no American should fear government reprisal for exercising free speech. If satire falls first, other forms of dissent will follow.

The Punchline We Can’t Afford

Comedy has always been one of democracy’s pressure valves. Take that away, and the laughter dies—along with a crucial check on power. Protecting Kimmel’s right to speak freely isn’t about defending a late-night host. It’s about defending the First Amendment itself. And if we don’t stand up for it now, the joke will ultimately be on us.

A BETRAYAL OF AMERICAN IDEALS

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OLD and QUIRKY                                                                               09/12/2025

What happens when the institution meant to protect justice becomes the architect of injustice?”

The Supreme Court has at key moments in history and today, betrayed core American ideals such as equality, liberty, and democratic accountability.

 The Supreme Court and the Betrayal of American Ideals

The United States Supreme Court was envisioned as a guardian of justice, a bulwark against tyranny, and a neutral arbiter of the Constitution. Yet in recent years, its rulings have increasingly sparked outrage, confusion, and a sense of betrayal among many Americans. Far from upholding the foundational principles of democracy, equality, and transparency, the Court has issued decisions that appear to undermine them—raising the question: Has the Supreme Court betrayed American ideals?

 Undermining Democratic Accountability

One of the most troubling developments has been the Court’s growing reliance on the “shadow docket”—a process by which major decisions are made without full briefing, oral arguments, or public explanation. These emergency rulings have shaped national policy on immigration, voting rights, and public health, often with minimal transparency. This practice erodes the democratic ideal that government decisions should be made openly and with public input. When unelected justices issue sweeping rulings in the dark, the people lose their voice in the judicial process.

 Abandoning Equal Justice Under Law

The principle of equal protection is enshrined in the Fourteenth Amendment, yet recent rulings have chipped away at civil rights protections. The Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, which overturned Roe v. Wade, eliminated federal protections for reproductive rights—disproportionately affecting low-income and minority communities. Similarly, the rollback of affirmative action in college admissions has been criticized for ignoring the persistent racial disparities in education. These decisions suggest a retreat from the ideal that all Americans deserve equal treatment under the law.

Below are some powerful Supreme Court decisions that are widely viewed as betrayals of American ideals, especially those of equality, liberty, and justice. The betrayal of American ideals isn’t new—it’s a recurring challenge that demands vigilance and reform. These cases aren’t just legal missteps—they’re moral failures that shaped American society in lasting ways.

 Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857)

  • Dred Scott, an enslaved man, sued for his freedom after living in free territories. The Court ruled that African Americans “had no rights which the white man was bound to respect,” denying citizenship and legal standing to all Black people—even free ones.
  • Chief Justice Roger Taney’s opinion also invalidated the Missouri Compromise, claiming Congress had no authority to ban slavery in U.S. territories.
  • Impact: This ruling emboldened pro-slavery forces, enraged abolitionists, and accelerated the path to the Civil War. It stands as a stark betrayal of liberty, equality, and the promise of citizenship.

Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)

  • Homer Plessy, a man of mixed race, deliberately violated Louisiana’s Separate Car Act to challenge segregation. The Court upheld “separate but equal” accommodations, legitimizing racial segregation nationwide.
  • Justice Harlan’s lone dissent warned that the decision would become a “badge of servitude” for Black Americans.
  • Impact: This ruling entrenched Jim Crow laws for over half a century, institutionalizing racism and denying equal access to public life. It mocked the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment.

Korematsu v. United States (1944)

  • Fred Korematsu, a U.S. citizen of Japanese descent, refused to comply with internment orders during WWII. The Court upheld his conviction, citing “military necessity” over racial discrimination6.
  • Over 120,000 Japanese Americans—most of them citizens—were forcibly relocated to internment camps without due process.
  • Impact: The ruling sanctioned racial profiling and mass incarceration. Though later denounced, it wasn’t formally overturned until 2018. It remains a chilling example of civil liberties sacrificed in the name of national security.

 Buck v. Bell (1927)

  • Carrie Buck, a young woman institutionalized in Virginia, was forcibly sterilized under a state eugenics law. The Court upheld the law, with Justice Holmes infamously declaring, “Three generations of imbeciles are enough”.
  • The decision legitimized forced sterilization of thousands deemed “unfit,” often targeting poor, disabled, and minority women.
  • Impact: This ruling violated bodily autonomy and human dignity, reflecting the darkest impulses of pseudoscience and state control. It was never formally overturned.

 Civil Rights Cases (1883)

  • The Court struck down the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which banned racial discrimination in public accommodations like hotels and theaters.
  • The majority ruled that the 14th Amendment only applied to state actions—not private discrimination—effectively legalizing segregation in private businesses.
  • Impact: This decision gutted Reconstruction-era protections and laid the groundwork for Jim Crow laws. It denied Congress the power to protect Black Americans from private racial injustice.

Concentrating Power, Weakening Checks and Balances

The American system of government is built on the separation of powers, yet the Court has increasingly deferred to executive authority. Rulings that expand presidential powers—such as allowing broad use of emergency declarations or limiting the independence of regulatory agencies—threaten the balance intended by the Founders. By weakening the ability of Congress and federal agencies to act as checks on the executive, the Court risks enabling authoritarian tendencies.  As the Court and Congress continue to cede power, the executive branch is becoming the ruling entity.

Ignoring the Will of the People

Perhaps most alarming is the Court’s apparent disregard for public consensus. Polls consistently show that most Americans support abortion rights, gun safety measures, and environmental protections—yet the Court has issued rulings that contradict these views. With several justices appointed by presidents who lost the popular vote and confirmed by a Senate representing a minority of Americans, the legitimacy of the Court’s decisions is increasingly questioned. When the judiciary becomes disconnected from the people it serves, it ceases to reflect the democratic spirit of the nation.                   

Conclusion: A Crisis of Faith

The Supreme Court was never meant to be infallible, but it was meant to be principled. Its recent trajectory suggests a departure from the ideals that define American democracy: transparency, equality, accountability, and respect for the will of the people. This is not merely a legal crisis, it is a moral one. If the Court continues down this path, it risks becoming an institution that no longer protects the Constitution but instead reshapes it to serve narrow interests. In doing so, it betrays the very ideals it was created to uphold.

T. Michael Smith

Wwwtmichaelsmith.com

HUMAN RIGHTS RECKONING

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 OLD AND QUIRKY                                                            September 7, 2025

The United States, long viewed as a beacon of hope for immigrants seeking safety and opportunity, faces a moral and legal crisis in its treatment of immigrant children. From detention centers to courtroom battles, the experiences of these vulnerable minors reveal deep flaws in the nation’s immigration system and raise urgent questions about justice, compassion, and accountability.

What Is the Administration Doing too Immigrant Children? 

In the early hours of Sunday August 31, in the middle of a three-day holiday weekend, the Trump administration attempted to take vulnerable children out of government custody and ship them alone to their country of origin, Guatemala.

The administration was planning to move up to 600 children from the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR), where they are held according to law until they can be released to a relative or a guardian living in the U.S. who can take care of them while their case for asylum in the U.S. is being processed.
Unaccompanied migrant children are considered a vulnerable population and are covered by the 2008 Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act. That law gives them enhanced protection and care, making sure they are screened to see if they have been trafficked or are afraid of persecution in the country they come from. Congress has specified that such children can be removed from the country only under special circumstances. Nonetheless, the administration appears to have removed about 76 of those transferred out of the custody of ORR—the only agency with legal authority to hold them—where they were waiting to be released to a relative or guardian.  

Early on Sunday, August 31, advocates for the children filed a suit to prevent the administration from removing them. Shortly after 2:30 in the morning, Judge Sparkle Sooknanan got a phone call about the case, and by 4:00 she had issued an emergency order blocking the removal and scheduled a hearing for 3:00 pm that afternoon. She moved it up to 12:30 pm when she learned that the administration was already moving some children out of the country. By noon Monday, according to the government’s lawyers, all the children were back in ORR custody.

Immigrant children have always been part of America’s story. But the modern era, especially post-9/11, has seen a shift toward securitization and deterrence. Policies like family separation under the Trump administration and overcrowded detention facilities have drawn international condemnation.

Legal Protections vs. Reality

The Flores Agreement of 1997 was a landmark settlement that established minimum standards for the treatment of immigrant children in federal custody. It mandates that children be held in “safe and sanitary” conditions and released “without unnecessary delay” to appropriate sponsors. However, enforcement has been inconsistent. In 2025, a federal judge ordered continued monitoring of U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) after failures to meet these standards.

Moreover, access to legal representation remains a critical issue. Children with lawyers are far more likely to appear in court and succeed in asylum claims—95% versus just 33% for those without attorneys. Yet, in March 2025, the federal government terminated a contract that provided legal counsel for over 26,000 unaccompanied minors, leaving thousands without support in navigating complex legal systems.

Detention and Its Consequences

Detention facilities, especially those housing families, have come under scrutiny for poor conditions and inadequate medical care. A reopened center in Texas revealed issues like malnutrition, tuberculosis, and insufficient mental health screening. While the Biden administration initially halted family detention in favor of alternatives like electronic monitoring, recent policy shifts have revived large-scale detention efforts.

Children in detention, whether alone or with family, face trauma that can have lifelong consequences. The psychological toll of confinement, uncertainty, and separation from loved ones undermines their development and violates international norms of child welfare.

Humanitarian and Ethical Concerns

Beyond legality, the treatment of immigrant children is a humanitarian issue. These minors often flee violence, poverty, and instability in Central America, arriving at the U.S. border in search of safety. Instead, they encounter bureaucratic hurdles, hostile environments, and prolonged uncertainty.

Critics argue that the U.S. response exacerbates the very crises these children are escaping. Policies that prioritize deterrence over protection risk violate both domestic law and international human rights standards.

Toward Reform: What Needs to Change

To uphold its values and obligations, the United States must:

  • Restore and expand legal representation for all immigrant children.
  • Fully implement and enforce the Flores Agreement, with independent oversight.
  • Invest in community-based alternatives to detention, which are more humane and cost-effective.
  • Ensure trauma-informed care and education for children in custody.
  • Reform asylum procedures to prioritize child welfare and family unity.

Conclusion

As I look back over our history with indigenous people and black people, I shouldn’t be surprised by all of this. I don’t want to think of my country as evil. But I am surprised by the treatment of immigrant children in the United States.  This is not just a policy issue, it is a reflection of national character. As the country grapples with its identity in a globalized world, how it treats its most vulnerable newcomers will speak volumes. Justice demands more than compliance; it calls for compassion, dignity, and the courage to do better.  We can and must do better.

T. Michael Smith

wwwtmichaelsmith.com